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Payday loan Payoff

In these days when “reform” supposedly is the mantra in Springfield, business as usual continues, well, as usual. The only thing that’s surprising is the sheer audacity of the players.

A prime example is what didn’t happen late last month on a bill to put more limits on the payday loan guys. You know, the good folks who say they’ll lose their shirts helping worthy citizens if they can’t charge interest rates of 300% or 400%.

The bill, a top priority for Illinois Attorney General Lisa Madigan, got a grand total of one vote in the Illinois House committee in which it had been dumped. Yes, one vote. Neither House Speaker Michael Madigan (Lisa’s dad) nor anyone else offset the squads of connected lobbyists who pulled strings to kill the bill — and likely will pull out their checkbooks again when lawmakers are raising cash for their next campaign.

Ah . . . the sweet smell of reform!

Limits on payday lending and related loans that some call “predatory” were a hot issue a few years ago. In fact, the issue got so much ink in 2005 that lawmakers imposed limits on loans that had to be paid off within 120 days.

The response by much of the payday lending industry was to continue the same high fees and rates, but to apply them only to loans with a term of 181 days and the like.

Since then, a few legislators have been trying to rework the law, and this session they came up with a proposal that got support not only from expected sources like unions and religious leaders but a fair number of payday lenders.

Specifically, the measure sponsored by state Rep. Julie Hamos, D-Evanston, would cap interest rates on loans of up to $4,000 at “only” 99%, limit payments to 20% of a borrower’s monthly income, require lenders to verify borrowers’ ability to pay and effectively ban huge “balloon” payments at the end of the loan term.

Now, I’m not without sympathy for payday lenders. I understand why some, as a matter of libertarian principle, oppose any usury limits. The lenders are entitled to make a buck, and bills like Ms. Hamos’ surely would cut off some poor folks from access to credit.

But not everyone deserves access to credit all the time. Subprime lending to those with subprime finances arguably is the main reason why the nation is caught in the worst downturn since the Depression. If the industry has to clobber many low-income families with killer rates to make up for other borrowers who default, maybe the industry ought to tighten its lending standards.

Perhaps arguments like that convinced six Democrats and three Republicans on the House Executive Committee to vote “present,” which had the same impact as a “no” vote. Or perhaps it was someone else.

Like Victor Reyes, a former top political aide to Mayor Richard M. Daley who now lobbies for payday lenders. Four of the six Dems who didn’t vote are Hispanic, and Mr. Reyes ran the legendary Hispanic Democratic Organization.

Like Rob Uhe, who lobbies for a Dallas-based payday lender and happens to be a former counsel to Mr. Madigan, who could have put the Hamos bill in another committee but let it go to a panel where its fate was clear from the beginning.

Like former Democratic state Rep. Bob Molaro, another payday loan lobbyist. Or, my personal favorite, Kim Morreale, who is married to state Rep. Michael McAuliffe, R-Chicago, and lobbies for payday lender AmeriCash. (One GOP source notes that Ms. Morreale was in the lobbying biz before she got hitched, but it must be nice to review the roll call with someone a pillow away.)

Oh, did I mention that groups opposed to the Hamos bill have donated more than $540,000 to Illinois pols since 2000? The biggest recipient (appropriately): Rod Blagojevich. The second-highest, former state Rep. Brent Hassert, R-Romeoville, now lobbies for — you guessed it — a payday loan group.

Ah . . . the sweet smell of reform!

Word has it that state Rep. Lou Lang, D-Skokie, may take over sponsorship of the bill from the sometimes abrasive Ms. Hamos. Since reform has arrived in Illinois, Lou, I’m sure passing something will be a snap.

©2009 by Crain Communications I

Payday Loan History

The June 16 letter critical of Del. Glenn Oder, saying he “has finally addressed the issue” of payday lender abuses, really misses the mark. HB940 passed in 2002 on a bipartisan vote of 73 to 27 and was signed by a Democratic governor. I know; I was the patron of that bill.

I sponsored it reluctantly and then only after a year of study and another year waiting for federal regulators to curb unsavory practices of out-of-state banks “renting” charters to storefront operations in Virginia. These lenders charged as much as $20 per $100 borrowed, allowed unlimited rollovers (renewing each payday and requiring another advance payment), so that borrowers unable to repay the loans found themselves in financial trouble. Virginia’s Bureau of Financial Institutions has no jurisdiction over federally chartered institutions, and the federal government continued to be unresponsive.

An alternative was to establish a state-regulated system with lower rates ($15 per $100), limit each loan to $500 and prohibit rollovers. It took only a year of unimagined proliferation to realize what a colossal mistake it had been. Legalization gave the industry the license, the “respectability” it wanted. The flood gates were opened.

During the next five years I attempted repeal, Del. Oder attempted repeal, and many legislators tried diligently to reverse this misguided policy with its unintended results.

Del. Oder deserves full credit for his unflagging determination to gain approval of a formula that, while payday lending continues, it no longer attracts the prurient and disreputable interests that caused so much injury to an unsuspecting public. Because of his legislation, 35 percent of the payday businesses in Virginia have turned in their licenses and more are expected to leave the state by year’s end.

Appropriately, Del. Oder was recognized by the Virginia Interfaith Center in 2008 for his work to pass significant regulatory reform to break the cycle of debt created by payday lenders.

Harvey B. Morgan

Virginia House of Delegates

Middlesex

Attorney General Sues Payday Loan Firm

FARMINGTON, N.M. (AP) - New Mexico’s attorney general has sued a Farmington payday loan company for allegedly charging “exorbitant and grossly unfair” interest rates exceeding 1,000 percent a year.

The suit filed in Santa Fe on Thursday accuses Cash Now Loans of exploiting a loophole in state law that limits fees for short-term loans by extending the repayment length.

The company has been offering $100 loans with repayment plans of a year. That ultimately costs the borrower more than $1,000 to pay off.

The state filed a similar complaint against several branches of the payday loan company Fastbucks.

A spokesman for Attorney General Gary King says the office wants the companies to stop the practices. The suits also seek restitution for customers.

Representatives of Cash Now didn’t return calls seeking comment on Thursday.

(Copyright 2009 by The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.)

Payday Loans Down In Va

DENA POTTER, Associated Press Writer
RICHMOND, Va. (AP) -

New laws that cut down on the number of payday loans borrowers can get have drastically reduced the number of the short-term, high-interest loans issued in Virginia.

Last year, Virginia’s payday lenders made nearly 3.4 million payday loans, or about 281,000 each month. Through the end of May, lenders had issued 226,807 loans, an average of 45,000 per month - an 84 percent decline.

The Bureau of Financial Institutions derived the data from a database that began tracking the loans at the first of the year. The database was required as part of reforms that passed the General Assembly in 2008.

Legislators limited borrowers to one payday loan at a time and doubled the amount of time borrowers had to repay the loans, among other changes.

Wisconsin payday lenders targeted

A 2009 legislative battle royal is shaping up in Wisconsin, one of the last states without an interest rate limit that payday and title loan lenders can charge to their high-risk borrowers.

On May 28, state Rep. Gordon Hintz, D-Oshkosh, re-introduced essentially the same bill that died without floor votes during the 2007 and 2008 legislative sessions. The fate of those bills is testament to the political muscle of payday lenders in Madison.

The industry has exploded in Wisconsin over the past decade to more than 500 registered payday lending outlets around the state, from just 64 in 1996. There are seven payday and title loan stores in Superior, 12 in Oshkosh. Wisconsin has been fertile ground for payday lenders because it is among two dozen states where lenders making short-term loans of less than $5,000 are virtually unregulated. In Wisconsin, these so-called “licensed lenders” — variously operating as payday, car title, check advance, check cashing and cash advance stores — need only register with the banking division of the state Department of Financial Institutions, and pay a $500 annual fee to do business.

Typically, a payday lender provides an advanced loan to be repaid within a short-term period, generally two weeks. The usual fee in Wisconsin for a two-week loan is about $20 per $100 borrowed, which amounts to an annualized percentage rate (APR) of 525 percent. If the borrower can’t repay, the lender “rolls over” the loan with additional fees tacked on with each extension. A stark example: A $200 loan refinanced four times leaves the Wisconsin borrower owing $200 in additional fees in just 10 weeks, creating what critics of payday lending call the “debt trap.”

Those critics, both Democrats and Republicans, say the industry’s meteoric growth in Wisconsin has evaded regulatory oversight for a single reason: its political contributions to key legislative leaders. Wisconsin Democracy Campaign has tracked those political contributions and lobbying activity of payday lenders since 1999.

Executive director Mike McCabe said all of the major payday lending chains operating in Wisconsin are based outside the state, among them, Check Into Cash, Tennessee; Advance America, South Carolina; Check ‘n Go, Virginia; and Payday Loan Stores, Chicago.

During the period 1999-2008, the payday lending industry was the No. 4 out-of-state individual contributor group to legislative and statewide office candidates, according to Democracy Campaign (see chart below).

“It has been a significant source of money, and they give it to both Democrats and Republicans. They hedge their bets. It’s a bipartisan problem,” McCabe said.

The Democracy Campaign’s research shows about 40 percent of that money has found its way to Assembly Republicans, reflecting the party’s control of the lower body until Democrats won a majority in the November general election and took over in January.

Contributions to the Senate were evenly split, reflecting shared control of the upper chamber during the period. A major chunk of that money is contributed to party campaign committees controlled by leaders, who assign bills to committees.

Hintz introduced his 2008 bill in the second year of his first two-year term in the Assembly. In an interview, he said he knew his 2008 bill was doomed when Republican Assembly leaders in control assigned it to the financial institutions committee, another favorite industry target for its contributions.

Hintz is asking Democratic leadership that now controls the Assembly to assign his 2009 bill to the consumer protection committee he chairs. With thousands of Wisconsin families trying to hold on in an economy wracked by layoffs and foreclosures, predatory lending should have higher priority than during the earlier failed attempts to regulate the industry, he said. “This is our No. 1 consumer protection issue,” he said.

Hintz expects the Assembly to turn its attention to his bill after the two-year state budget for the biennium beginning July 1 is enacted. “This is the right thing to do, and I’ll be disappointed if we don’t have a bill for the governor to sign by the end of the year,” he said.

Gov. James Doyle, a Democrat, vetoed a watered-down, industry-backed measure in 2004 limited to consumer education. Doyle urged legislators then to return with a bill that capped interest rates. “He said ‘let’s do it right’ and this is that bill,” Hintz said.

His bill would prohibit payday lenders from charging more than 36 percent per year, and toughen penalties for violations. Current law limits punishment for operating without a license to no more than a $500 fine and/or a six-month jail sentence. Hintz proposes to allow a borrower to also sue a lender that charges more than 36 percent for damages equal to twice the finance charge, or for incidental or consequential costs to the borrower, whichever is greater.

In 2006, Congress imposed the 36 percent interest rate cap for active duty military borrowers.

The new bill Hintz has introduced already has attracted 36 Assembly co-sponsors, including Reps. Nick Milroy, D-Superior, Gary Sherman, D-Port Wing, Mary Huebler, D-Rice Lake, and Majority Leader Tom Nelson, D-Kaukauna. Nelson, the Democrats’ No. 2 leader in the Assembly, authored the failed 2007 bill, and is in a strategic position to steer it through the 2009 legislative process.

No companion bill has been introduced in the state Senate, but at least eight of that body’s 33 members — including Sen. Robert Jauch, D-Poplar — have indicated they will support a payday loan bill with the 36 percent annual rate cap, Hintz said.

Nevertheless, legislators present and past have no illusions about the uphill fight ahead. Hintz wouldn’t name names, but said 18 industry-paid lobbyists already are working the Legislature to block his bill. “That’s the most I’ve seen on any issue I can think of,” he said.

Among those lobbyists are Superior native William “Bill” McCoshen, former commerce secretary for Gov. Tommy Thompson; and Shawn Pfaff, a former Doyle staffer, according to the Wisconsin Ethics Board Web site, http://ethics.state.wi.us.

Rep. Frank Boyle, D-Superior, who retired last year after 11 terms in the Assembly, was a co-sponsor for Rep. Nelson’s Assembly Bill 211 that was bottled up in the 2007 session. “It was the most political influence peddled since the Brewers (Miller) stadium bill, one of the most disgusting things I saw,” Boyle said. “Leadership in both parties (colluded) and the bill never saw the light of day.”

Given the changed economic landscape since then, Hintz has drawn a clear line in the sand with his 2009 proposal that will force leadership in both parties to choose between money and what is right, Boyle said. “It’s going to be one helluva fight,” he said. “My money is with the money.”

Another payday lending critic is Superior Mayor David Ross, who has led a local effort to curb payday lending using restrictive zoning. As a result, the number of payday outlets in the city has dropped from eight to seven, he said.

Ross, a Republican exploring candidacy for lieutenant governor in 2010, resorted to the zoning tactic after pressing legislators in both parties in 2007 to cap interest rates and limit the allowable number of payday loan “rollovers.” He watched in disgust as Republican and Democratic leaders buried Nelson’s 2007 bill in committee.

“It was laughable. There’s a role for government to protect against predatory practices, but most of what I’ve seen so far has been hypocrisy…lip service even to the point of sponsoring bills they know won’t pass, while taking massive amounts of money from the industry,” he said.

Ross spares Nelson from that criticism, calling the new Assembly majority leader a thoughtful, forceful advocate for protecting victims of predatory lending. In his new role, Nelson will have considerable influence over whether the Hintz bill becomes law, and Ross will be watching for the bill’s committee assignment. “This will be the (first) test,” he said.

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